Repositório Coleção:http://hdl.handle.net/10071/31392026-05-11T23:04:02Z2026-05-11T23:04:02ZMaritime security: The EU’s discourse on Brazil and the South AtlanticRibeiro, I. M.http://hdl.handle.net/10071/371882026-05-11T09:30:37Z2025-01-01T00:00:00ZTítulo próprio: Maritime security: The EU’s discourse on Brazil and the South Atlantic
Autoria: Ribeiro, I. M.
Editor: Leandro, Francisco José B. S.; Frogeri, Rodrigo Franklin; Li, Yichao; Garcia, Francisco Proença; Silva, Antonio Ruy de Almeida
Resumo: The European Union’s (EU) discourse on maritime security has gained prominence in recent years, especially following the adoption of the Strategic Compass in 2022 and the update of the EU Maritime Security Strategy in 2023. Despite the attention given to the North Atlantic due to the EU’s geographic positioning and enhanced cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the South Atlantic is becoming more prominent in the EU’s discourse with a focus on maritime security and cooperation. One of the most noticeable actors in this context is Brazil, with its significant maritime area of responsibility, which comprehends critical sea routes, ample resources, and a vast exclusive economic zone. Its strategic geopolitical positioning renders Brazil a key player not only in the field of maritime security but also in trade and in the overall stability of the South Atlantic region. Moreover, Brazil has been investing in improving maritime security in the South Atlantic, in line with the EU’s efforts and focus on multilateralism. Despite its limited resources and the lack of a cohesive regional security framework, Brazil has been modernising its own naval capabilities while also engaging with other partners from the South Atlantic in conducting joint exercises and patrols, oftentimes not only in the context of capacity-building initiatives but also in the sharing of information and in countering illicit activities at sea. Considering the increasing importance of the South Atlantic, Brazil’s growing strategic significance, as well as the importance of discourse for the understanding and building of international geopolitics, this chapter seeks to answer the following research questions: How does the EU discursively frame and construct its strategic view of the South Atlantic and its own role therein in the context of maritime security? How does the EU discursively construct Brazil’s role in this context, as an actor of strategic significance for regional maritime security? Anchored in critical geopolitics, this analysis focuses on the EU’s discourse and thus on its own interests and perspective regarding the South Atlantic and Brazil. Furthermore, engaging in a discourse analysis since the establishment of the first EU Maritime Security Strategy in 2014 until its update in 2023 will allow us to explore the semiotic evolution of the EU’s understanding of maritime security, of the South Atlantic, and of Brazil’s role in this context, highlighting the key narratives used and enhancing the body of knowledge on maritime security, on Brazil’s regional actorness, and on the “spatialization” of EU foreign policy discourse.2025-01-01T00:00:00ZInside Chega's membershipCarvalho, J.Santana Pereira, J.Marchi, R.http://hdl.handle.net/10071/370272026-04-27T10:38:30Z2025-01-01T00:00:00ZTítulo próprio: Inside Chega's membership
Autoria: Carvalho, J.; Santana Pereira, J.; Marchi, R.
Editor: Carvalho, João
Resumo: This chapter examines the characteristics of Chega’s party members in the early 2020s through the analysis of a large N survey to help overcome the lack of overall knowledge on far-right activists. The internal composition of the PRRP shapes their internal development, as well as their electoral success at the polls. Drawing on past literature, this chapter will trace the distribution of Chega’s membership according to three main groups: the extremists, the opportunists, and the moderates. Secondly, this investigation seeks to explore the causal factors that influence the internal composition of Chega’s membership. The conclusions will suggest that Chega’s membership is mainly formed by moderates, followed by opportunists, whilst overt ideological extremism is confined to the fringes of the party’s membership. Male and younger party members are more likely to display an extremist profile than female and older members. Chega’s internal composition reflects its roots in deeply conservative circles and the lack of imposition of a cordon sanitaire by the mainstream parties, particularly the PSD2025-01-01T00:00:00ZAngolaSeabra, P.Martins, V.http://hdl.handle.net/10071/369622026-04-21T09:14:33Z2025-01-01T00:00:00ZTítulo próprio: Angola
Autoria: Seabra, P.; Martins, V.
Editor: Kleynhans, Evert; Wyss, Marco
Resumo: After more than three decades of internal strife and extensive involvement from key international actors, Angola’s oversized military apparatus found itself without a core mission following the end of hostilities in 2002. Since then, the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) have been used interchangeably as means of national reconciliation, internal repression, and external power projection. However, these roles have been adopted with varying degrees of priority and effectiveness. This chapter explores the ensuing adaptation of the FAA as dictated by a lingering wartime legacy, the aftermath of multiple disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) processes, and the atomization of authority for the protection of the state. The combined effect of these three elements helps to explain the set of capabilities made available, the functional overlapping of internal structures of the state, and the fleeting interest in meeting broader African security demands.2025-01-01T00:00:00ZThe globalization project of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP)Herpolsheimer, J.Seabra, P.http://hdl.handle.net/10071/368122026-04-07T08:37:18Z2025-01-01T00:00:00ZTítulo próprio: The globalization project of the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP)
Autoria: Herpolsheimer, J.; Seabra, P.
Editor: Engel, Ulf; Herpolsheimer, Jens; Mattheis, Frank
Resumo: Similar to many other regionalisms that aim to build regions and regional communities, the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP) emerged as an effort to manage the effects of contemporary globalization processes, trying to gain or regain some control, and to favorably (re)position different state and nonstate actors in reordering processes at different interconnected spatial scales. In that sense, regionalisms and globalization processes have been mutually influencing and, in fact, co-constitutive.2025-01-01T00:00:00Z