Looking (also) at the Other Side of the Story. Resilience Processes in Migrants

Studies on migration have focused on obstacles and barriers encountered by migrants when they arrive in a new country. Recognizing that there are difficulties, it is also important to know the resources used by migrants to overcome adversity. This study springs from a theoretical perspective of resilience, based on a culturally significant ecological model (Ungar M, Resilience across Cultures. British Journal of Social Work, 38(2), 218–235, 2008) to analyze the processes of cultural adjustment to the host country in migratory movements. Thus, it seeks to understand the various dynamics in adversity and in resources experienced by migrants in Portugal originated from Portuguese-speaking countries (Guinea, Cape Verde, Brazil, Angola, Mozambique). To this end, seven focus groups (N = 35) were facilitated for a discussion on the dimensions of resilience processes. The thematic analysis revealed five main themes in the adversity dimension with some of its topics further grouped in specific sub-topics. In the resources dimension, four salient themes have emerged. Data was discussed in an articulated perspective of themes, illustrating some of the difficulties and resources of migrants in the specificity of the Portuguese context. Implications for research on resilience are highlighted, and some bridges are built for the context of intervention in migrant integration.

Introduction the development of the notion that migration is not a problem per se (Desjarlais et al. 1995). Moreover, the ability to migrate is, first and foremost, a set of new and different opportunities for those who migrate, despite the difficulties posed by leaving the country of origin and upon arrival at the host country (Mirsky & Peretz 2006). However, the model focused on the deficit remained in place and was associated with migration, with few investigations outside the scope of this approach (Utsey et al. 2008).
Originally developed by positive psychology, the resilience approach has provided valuable contributions that laid the ground for a change in the adversity focus (Seligman et al. 2005). This perspective, simultaneously with the recognition that studies should be more sensitive to cultural diversity (Lopez et al. 2002), established another logical approach to migration. Research on resilience processes and migration attempted to understand the strategies and resources used by migrants to achieve well-being.
Similarly to the general literature on migration, there is a lack of knowledge about what resources are driven by migrants to overcome adversity associated with cultural adjustment in Portugal. As one of the fields of Portuguese social sciences that most progressed over the last two decades (Malheiros et al. 2013), studies on migration intensified near the 1990s allowing a greater knowledge of that reality, but very few looked for this resilience approach.
We begin this article with a critical analysis of the concept of resilience, referring to the different theoretical approaches that have been used in the literature, underlining the the ecological model conceptual definition in which this study is based on. Finally, the context of Portuguese migration is described to place the goal of this study. Focus groups with migrants from countries with Portuguese as an official language were methodologically conducted. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis, supporting a discussion of its generated main themes.

Theoretical Foundations on Resilience
The designation used in this study-resilience processes-assumes a reflective and summarized character of the literature produced in the broader area of resilience and highlights the conceptual choice adopted in this study, among various approach possibilities to this subject. We start by making a historical review of the theoretical understanding of resilience to get to the concept adopted in this study. Proposed by Ungar (2004Ungar ( , 2008Ungar ( , 2013, our understanding of resilience is based on the ecological model, not in a positivist approach but based on a constructionist perspective. Later, we will explore this idea. In general, the theoretical proposal of resilience aroused as a Bcounter-movementr esponse to the interest in knowledge of human being difficulties or distress (e.g., stress, psychopathology) (Richardson 2002). The concept of resilience (integrated in positive psychology) was gradually built on the finding that people, though subject to great pressure processes, can resist Bwithout breaking^(concept originated in Physics of material's properties) (Luthar et al. 2000a).
On this initial conceptualization, the need to question and clarify the concept in its various understandings and practical applications arose (Kaplan 1999;. Resilience has been addressed from three perspectives: (1) as a personality trait (Bresilient people^), leading to the creation of instruments to assess and measure this trait (included in the concept of Bego resilience^) (Block & Block 1980;Connor & Davidson 2003); (2) as a result, it is understood as a positive manifestation of the action of protective factors in the context of adversity (Campbell-Sills et al. 2006;Rutter 1987); (3) as a process, dynamic and circumstantial, related to the adjustment or positive adaptation through the action of protective factors in adverse circumstances (Davydov et al. 2010;Luthar et al. 2000b;Luthar et al. 2006). Some authors (e.g., Luthar et al. 2000b) have mentioned the need to a general unification regarding the conceptual definition of resilience. This occurs, on the one hand, because of the dispersive theoretical output, which has produced over 12 theories in the last decades (Fletcher & Sarkar 2013). On the other hand, some inconsistencies and differences in the theoretical and conceptual foundations led to some authors' questioning (e.g., Tarter & Vanyukov 1999) of the scientific importance of the concept of resilience.
Given the argument of this need (as highlighted by other authors, e.g., Luthar et al. 2000a), it is important that research produced on resilience clarifies the starting point of the theoretical and epistemological assumptions, as well as conceptual perspective. The existence of several theories is not detrimental, as long as this general framework is clarified and contextualized by authors.
The present study approaches the resilience processes based in a comprehensive paradigm, thereby exempting the potential explanatory interest of the concept, as well as the predictive power of the factors. As stated by Ungar (2004) B… research that supports resilience as a social construction has found a nonsystemic, nonhierarchical relationship between risk and protective factors, describing the relationships between factors across global cultures and diverse social and political settings as chaotic, complex, relative, and contextual^ (Ungar, 2004, p. 342 ). The author highlights in his definition the importance of cultural context. Therefore, he alerts to the assumption of Western culture on individual and social functioning in the usual definitions of the concept, something that is not universally shared by the different cultures. This constitutes a transversal and shared concern in the generic literature on ethnic minorities and cultural diversity (e.g., Sue et al. 1992).
The definition developed by Ungar (2008) adds the described above conceptual reflections on resilience, integrates them in a culturally meaningful way, and discusses them according to a social ecology model. In this study, we used his definition of resilience: BIn the context of exposure to significant adversity, resilience is both the capacity of individuals to navigate their way into psychological, social, cultural, and physical resources that sustain their well-being and their individual and collective capacity to negotiate for these resources to be provided and experienced in culturally meaningful ways^ (Ungar 2008, p. 225). Studies that use a traditional understanding of ecological model (based on positivist modes of inquiry) tend to fail the accommodation of the plurality of meanings individuals negotiate in their self-constructions as resilient.
The use of navigation and negotiation concepts emphasizes an understanding of resilience as a dynamic process, emphasizing the interaction between adversity and resources. On the other hand, increases the dependency on the context in these two dimensions, which provides a specific direction, introducing a cultural variability component, against a tendency to homogenize and standardize the elements of this process. Navigation refers to the ability of people to seek the resources they need but also the availability they present. Since resources are limited at various levels, they may be used only to the extent that they are available and easily accessible. The negotiation logic points to the way people can appropriate resources, individually significant and culturally relevant, in compliance with the adverse conditions to which they are exposed (Ungar 2008). Finally, this definition emphasizes the importance of contextualizing the results of the resilience process, as part of the interaction between the ecological context in which the person moves and interacts, as part of a constructionist approach. We used this conceptual framing because it is particularly significant given the subject of this study. Understanding the processes of resilience in migrants benefit from the approach of an ecological model, allowing to reframe the dimensions in a cultural context perspective. Moreover, given the specificity of the population under study, we consider that cultural adjustment is a product of resilience. The cultural adjustment refers to the process of adaptation of migrants to a new and different culture (Sonderegger & Barrett 2004) and can assume different configurations, given individual a contextual specificity.

Portuguese Context and Migration Characteristics
Within the European Union, Portugal is both a country of origin and destination for international migration. The process of decolonization and the subsequent independence of the Portuguese colonies in the 70s led to the return of Portuguese citizens. The arrival of migrants from the African colonies, which continues to this day, had an important impact on the makeup of the Portuguese population. This period, as mentioned by Royo (2005), marked the end of a traditional and homogeneous Portuguese society. The process of democratization and the European integration in the 70s and 80s transformed the country's political, social, and economic conditions, which promoted an investment in infrastructures and the increase of tourism (Pires et al. 2010). At the end of the 80s, Portugal started receiving EU funding, which led to the development of various public works, resulting in a growing need for labor, and a significant increase in the number of migrants from the Portuguese-speaking African countries and Brazil (Gomes & Baptista 2003).
Later in the 90s, a new wave of migrants reception made the migratory phenomenon more expressive in Portugal (Sardinha 2009). It started with the arrival of a large number of migrants from the East European countries, with whom Portugal had no historical and linguistic relations. In this period, Portugal witnessed an increase in migrant population coming from the East (Chinese, Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi). Finally, beginning in the previous decade until today, there was a notorious slowing of migration from Eastern Europe and a stabilization of migration from the Portuguese-speaking African countries. The only exception is the renewed entry of Brazilian migrants (Pires, 2003). According to Machado (2009), migration of African countries completed a few generations, with more than 40 years in Portugal. The author states that the Angolan and Mozambican are the oldest groups, with no major renovation of the amount of migrants over time, and is unlikely to return to their countries of origin. Unlike these countries, Cape Verde and Guinea have increased the number of migrants in Portugal over time, exceeded only by Brazilian.
On the labor market, migrants continue to have a significant presence, especially in unskilled and low-skilled segments: construction, domestic services, transportation, and manufacture industry. The origin of the migrants influences their position in the socioeconomic structure: in the top of the socioeconomic pyramid we found the Northern Europeans, the migrants from Angola and Cape Verde with menial jobs occupy the lowest end. In between are the Lusophones from Brazil and Guinea-Bissau, who have started to join the country's professional ranks (Royo 2005).
Most migrants have settled around the more industrialized part of the country, in cities such as, Porto, Coimbra, Lisbon, Setúbal, and Faro, where most of the jobs are mainly in Lisbon (over 55 % of the migrants' total). The most significant number of migrants are mainly (except for Ukraine) from Portuguese-speaking countries-Brazil (25.3 %), Cape Verde (10.3 %), Angola (4.9 %), and Guinea-Bissau (4.3 %) (Serviço de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras, 2012).
Currently, the number of migrants in Portugal has reduced, reflecting a depressed country in economic, social, and even political terms; however, foreign people still represents 5.7 % of its residents. Migrants have been contributing in a fundamental way to the population growth in the past decade, generating a positive migration balance and through the birth rate-about 11 % of births occurred in Portugal in 2011 were from foreign mothers (Presidência do Conselho de Ministros & ACIDI, 2010).

Study Purpose
This empirical study sought to understand the resilience processes in migrants from countries with Portuguese as official language, namely: Guinea, Cape Verde, Brazil, Angola, and Mozambique. The choice of migrants from Portuguese-speaking countries relates to their statistically significant number and long tradition of migratory relationship with Portugal; however, little is known about their resources, prevailing the focus on deficit. As with the general literature on migration, there is a lack of knowledge about what resources are driven by those migrants to overcome adversity associated with cultural adjustment in Portugal. So, from an ecological model perspective, what is considered by migrants as adversity and resources in their migration processes?

Method
With the described purpose, we developed a qualitative study, simultaneously based on the needs of conceptual development and thinking in resilience research, as well as in the particular need to understand the dimensions of this concept in the migration processes. BQualitative methods have the potential to provide a more comprehensive picture of lives lived under adversity, but to date, their use has been limited and their integration with more mainstream programs of research less than adequate^ (Ungar, 2004, p.358). The author emphasizes that qualitative methodologies enable (a) to take into account social and cultural contexts of the cases under review, (b) to find processes that have not yet been identified and that are relevant to people or groups in a study, (c) to give voice to minorities responsible for defining what they consider to be positive results and the contours of its framing, and (d) to contextualize the data in its provenance and avoid generalizations (Ungar 2003).

Participants
A total of 35 participants were involved over seven focus groups with different dimensions (as specified in procedure). The vast majority of participants were female (N=26) and, in total, most represented countries of origin were Guinea-Bissau (24.3 %), Brazil (21.6 %), Cape Verde (18, 9 %), and Angola (9.3 %). Participants aged between 18 and 54, with an average age of 32.43 years (DP=7.35), and a residence period in Portugal of 1 to 4 years (27 %), and 8 to 16 years (27 %). All the participants were residing in the District of Lisbon.
As main reasons to migrate, participants pointed out pursuit of further education (29.7 %), followed by need of access to medical assistance due to health problems (16.2 %) and processes of family reunification (12 %).
Informed consent was obtained from the participants, who were given a briefing paper on the research project and were asked to sign it after taking cognizance of study objectives, people responsible, voluntary nature of participation, and commitment to the ethical principles of confidentiality in data collection and analysis.

Procedure: Data Collection and Analysis
Participants were recruited mainly through two distinct processes. One was through the psychology lab of a university, giving access to migrant college students who voluntarily participated in the study, having these (total of 3) focus groups been installed in the premises of the university laboratory. Second recruitment process was through formal contacts with various associations of migrants in Portugal, where the purposes of the study and the collaboration request were explained. Due to this process, it was possible to form four focus groups, taking place in the facilities provided by each institution.
In a total of seven focus groups, three in a university context and four in an association context, the dimension criterion was established, with a minimum of four participants and a maximum of 12 participants (Bloor et al. 2001;Hennink 2007;Sim 1998). This threshold was established in order to provide enough stimuli to encourage and sustain a discussion. On the other hand, the maximum number of allowed participants prevented leakage of information or leader training among the group that could inhibit the participation of several members of the group (Halcomb et al. 2007). The total number of focus groups was achieved by data saturation, that is, from the moment new information stopped emerging in subsequent groups' discussions (Bloor et al. 2001;Hennink 2007;Sim 1998).
Each discussion group was conducted by the first author in collaboration with another investigator, ranging from 50 min to 2 h 30 m, and two fundamental issues were addressed: (1) the challenges and difficulties encountered by them when they arrived and during the time spent in the host country and (2) the resources and strategies used to cope with these difficulties. Participants received a participation bonus, by assigning a small-amount individual voucher in purchases.
The discussion promoted in each group was recorded in audio format and was later transcribed by a research assistant, and was revised by the first author, with subsequent listenings of the transcripts. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis, following the epistemological assumptions of the study and the theoretical and practical guidelines on the use of this method. A thematic analysis allows identifying, analyzing, and describing data standards, in some detail, and linking them to the research topic. This method was established as a differentiated method and delimited by other methods such as content analysis or grounded theory (Braun & Clarke 2006). The choice of thematic analysis was deemed quite appropriate by us, as well as consistent with the epistemological foundations of this study, taking into account that we intend to explore and understand the experiences and realities of migrant participants through an inductive approach.
One of the properties and advantages of using thematic analysis is flexibility (not necessarily suggesting lack of clarity) in the definition of the themes (Braun & Clarke 2006). To make this process clear, it becomes necessary to mention previous considerations and criteria used. In this process, potential subjects were considered, all information initiated by one of the participants whose continuity was assured by one or more other participants within each group, i.e., all the information was shared and discussed by more than one element of streamlined groups. This procedure was adopted in the dimensions analysis: adversity and resources. In this contact with the data, semantic analysis was used, in the sense that the explicit meanings of language used by the participants were mentioned rather than a search for the latent meaning (Braun & Clarke 2006).
The analysis followed the steps suggested by Braun and Clarke (2006). The data corpus was constituted by the all the transcribed information from focus groups, and a six step analysis was carried: (1) familiarization with the data, (2) initial creation of codes, (3) search for themes, (4) review of themes, (5) defining and naming them, (6) drafting the report.
Familiarization with the data occurred through the streamlining of focus groups conducted by the first author, who also systematized the thematic analysis. Despite not having transcribed audio data, concern was given to a careful reading of the transcription, accompanied by listening to the recordings. The initial creation of codes started with the assignment of an initial general code consisting of one or two words, in order to aggregate the corresponding meaningful information. Then, using graphic schemes, codes with the same thematic relation were grouped. Arising from the literature on resilience and the constitution of the focus groups script, the data was divided into two dimensions: adversity and resources. Through new and systematic readings of the material, themes were outlined. Much of this process included the merger of initially created codes, generating more general topics but that are indicative of the attributed meaning.
In the stages of naming and renaming of topics, we benefited from the participation of two researchers not directly linked to this project but integrated in research projects in the area of cultural diversity and mental health. These elements formed the group of peer review, carrying out the analysis of the transcript and corresponding created themes. The considerations of these investigators enabled, subsequently, the theme reformulation and the integration of observations and comments pertaining to the analysis.

Results
As mentioned, the constitution of the corpus of analysis was completed through the saturation of data taken from focus groups. As it can be seen in Table 1, the emerging themes and sub-themes were distributed in the dimensions: adversity and resources. The first dimension was composed of five main themes. Some of these topics were further grouped in specific sub-topics. In the second dimension, data was divided into four themes.

Adversity
The relative dimension of adversity aggregated the set of themes and sub-themes from the focus groups analysis explored below individually. In addition to the various themes in this dimension, we also tried to find interactions and trends in the relationship between contents.

Socioeconomic Changes
The migration process, although containing the expectation of better living conditions and new opportunities, brought the confrontation with a reality marked by difficulty of maintaining the occupation of the country of origin, thus, the change in employment status. Employment context was marked by low-skill jobs, long working hours, and reduced earnings. In many cases, it was not even possible any access to the labor market. Therefore, change in occupational status and unemployment are sub-themes of migrants' socioeconomic changes.
Unemployment Lack of opportunities in the labor market integration was a significant sub-theme. Linked with fragile labor relations and the precarious professional status, situations of dismissal were facilitated by employers. One participant said, BI leave home early to find work, but it is very difficult. I also haven't found work and I think that is the greatest difficulty. I can see it in almost every house, my family and friends. They work for a while and then they are left with nothing again^(Manuel, Cape Verde).

Change in Occupational Status
This theme appeared in the continued reduction of opportunities in the host society, by the difficulty in maintaining the occupation, imposing a relationship with work via a low occupational status. As pointed out by a participant, BI am a primary school teacher in Guinea, but here I'm not working in my field, I am a cleaning lady. I go to work at 6 am and leave at 9 pm. It's complicated … B(Sónia, Guinea).

Difficulties in Relating with Structures of Social Organization
Migrants in this study also mentioned the difficulty in understanding functioning and requirements of formal structures. The most significant in this domain is SEF (Foreigners and Borders Service), the regulator entity of entry, and permanence of migrants in Portugal. At this level, difficulties in understanding the overall functioning of this service and the legal implications of the juridical figure assigned to each migrant individually.
Legal Recognition Regularity of migrant legal status became a transversal factor to other difficulties, such as access to labor market and to educational contexts. Lack of information on procedures and necessary documentation in regularization processes was pointed out as main issue in precluding these accesses. One participant said, BOne difficulty was the documents. I would always talk to SEF to get the documents. They asked me for a document, which I then would obtain and when I arrived with it, it wasn't the right document. And I would come back with everything again^(Mine, Guinea).

Insufficient Proficiency of Language
The difficulty in understanding and speaking the language (even though they are migrants from countries that have Portuguese as the official language) was translated into a limitation of personal interactions, as well as limitation of mobility, or navigation in larger structures, such as the possibility of academic success or better opportunities in the labor market. BLanguage was one of the difficulties. Angola is a Portuguesespeaking country, but other languages are also spoken, due to ethnic groups, many different social groups, etc. I have always spoken Portuguese, but I have always also spoken English. So when I got here, I spoke Portuguese, but I had a bit of difficulty sometimes, (…) because I did not speak Portuguese very well, perhaps it was a bit stupid, I don't know … sometimes, that's how I understood it^(Mauro, Angola).

Culture Shock
The perception of differences, more or less implicit, in habits, customs, and cultural codes, between the origin and the host culture gave rise to feelings of fear and uncertainty as how to interact with others. As mentioned, BMy class was all Portuguese students, and, well, I had to adapt to the group, I had to close my eyes because there are certain things that were not compatible and it is what it is (…) In terms of the way of speaking, the way of reacting, of what to say, people with a much, much more narrow mentality … I guess it's always like that, because others see us as a stranger who arrives and wants to invade their space^(Vanda, Brazil).

Rejection and Devaluation
These feelings arose as a primary obstacle to the establishment of relations with individuals in the host country, as well as in accessing essential structures, namely, the labor market.
Discrimination This experience was highlighted by participants, both in the sense of a certain inequality of opportunity, as well as regarding, for example, access to work, home rental, or in interpersonal relationships. As stated, BAll emigrants have the same difficulty (…) when we go to a job interview, it has to be to get a job, but people look at the person, whether it is Angolan, Cape Verdean, Guinean, and then we don't get the job. Sometimes we make a call and then they realize that it is not a local citizen and they hang up the telephone^(Valter, Cape Verde).
Racism Meetings in the host society were punctuated by experiences of racism, sometimes systematically, confirming the perception of a hostile environment. The story of the contacts of these migrants with people of the host society was marked, above all, by a certain aggressiveness, translated into micro-aggressions. As one participant shared, BI remember a very striking episode when I arrived in Portugal. My primary teacher said my name could not be Carla, because that was a white name and I was black^(Carla, Angola).

Resources
Analyzed in a similar logic regarding the previous dimension, on the resources, four main themes were mentioned. These themes were not divided into sub-topics. As for adversity, we have tried to understand also the meaningful interactions and trends between resources.

Community Associations
Community associations included migrant associations and religious entities. These community associations were formed mostly by migrants from the same country and fulfilled a facilitating function and a favorable context for the origin country's cultural practices. The associations contributed also with effective support, e.g., financial or legal support in irregular situations. On this point, one participant noted, BI believe I owe much to my church, I received a great social support in the church I attend. I'm Protestant, and I found this support… I meet with people from my church every weekend and we talk about our difficulties in the same language. We are all Brazilians and, therefore, we understand each other…^(Kacia, Brazil).

Family/Friends
The familiar elements of the same country residing in Portugal were also important because they enabled that difficulties experienced in the migration process could be shared. Regarding friendships, friends from the country of origin were highlighted, because of their role in contributing to deciphering cultural and linguistic symbolic codes. As one participant said, BI had a Guinean friend who had been living here for a long time and I asked him all the slang words I didn't understand. He would explain everything to me and when I returned to school I would already be using slang. The rest of my friends didn't understand how I could already be talking like that^(Kelton, Guinea).

Valorization of Cultural Practices
The constitution of a space of real and symbolic interactions, usually by relatives that can be more or less close, enabled the maintenance and enhancement of the habits and traditions of the host country, and in some cases, of the language itself. BI think it is the family that keeps us all together. We get together and prepare one big cooking pan. One arrives after the other and we laugh and dance. Towards the end of the day everyone is dancing and it is such joy.^(Mara, Cape Verde).

Chance of Returning
The possibility of returning to the country of origin appeared to be kept open, in some cases, as a promise, to be able to withstand the daily demands. In other cases, this possibility was placed as an alternative plan in case it was not possible the continuity in the host country. BAnd what makes me fight harder is the desire to return to my land one day. Thinking about it is what helps me and makes me want to keep going.^(Nené, Brazil).

Discussion
Information concerning the focus groups contributed to understand the dimensions of adversity and resources, regarding the cultural adjustment process of migrants. The proposal of the resilience concept, supported in an ecological model, suggests the identification and interaction between those dimensions. The analysis of the adversities themes allowed a systematization corresponding to two major areas: feelings of loss and sense of impossibilities. Losses appear to be linked to social status, through the occupational (un)employment and economic status and, simultaneously, through the lack of cultural references of the country of origin. The sense of impossibilities is highlighted by domains that are intertwined: inability to communicate due to differences in language, impossibility of understanding social structures functioning, or the impossibility in interpersonal relations and contacts with the individuals of the host country.
From an ecological perspective, the broader context of social structures seemed to affect cultural adjustment and well-being of migrants (Ungar 2008). Difficulties in regulating the legal status led to processes of social exclusion, associated with poverty. The absence of a legal bond was also linked to the relationship with labor market which promoted situations of exploitation and lack of social protection (Carballo & Nerukar 2001). This condition, coupled with the lack of knowledge about legal procedures, made migrants more vulnerable and with limited opportunities to defend their rights (Wolffers et al. 2003). Also concerning the vulnerable condition of migrants, we found socioeconomic changes, through the differences in occupational status between the host and country of origin, as well as unemployment. Indeed, migrants tend to suffer a special risk of becoming unemployed when there is a slowdown or crisis in the host country's economy (Portes 1999), such as the period that Portugal is currently facing.
Participants mentioned cultural shock as a constituent of adversity, referring a gap between cultures that prevents relationships with the Portuguese. In fact, as pointed out by several authors (Bhugra & Gupta 2010;Bhugra et al. 2011), the anguish dimension caused by the uprooting process (through confronting with a language that has other specificities and by the evidence of cultural differences), accentuates the difficulties of adjustment to the host country. The cultural shock was felt by a weak dominance of social interaction codes, and particularly, the difficulty in decoding them to reduce the distance and rejection.
Regarding the impact of the linguistic differences in the proximity of migrants to the host countries, some authors (e.g., Chiswick & Miller 2005;Esser 2006;Isphording & Otten 2011) have reported that these differences have several impacts: hinder the interpersonal relations, increase the feelings of isolation, enhance discrimination experiences (Esser 2006), as well as decrease the possibility of access to the labor market or to educational achievement (Portes 1999). Despite the language being formally the same, in this study, migrants point to linguistic barriers that compromise relationships. Actually, there are Portuguese variations, in particular with lexical differences and accent in Brazilian migrants. Cape Verdean and Guinean migrants speak creolo in almost all contexts in their origin countries. However, this seems like a distinct case of conflict between two different languages, like in other migratory contexts. The feelings of rejection and devaluation seem to have a negative impact on how migrants stand in relation to the linguistic differences, reinforcing distances.
Further, on this adverse context, we highlight the discrimination and racism experiences in the host society, which tend to be cumulative, and translate into feelings of rejection and devaluation by these migrants in Portugal. These seem to be central themes that suggests interconnections to the remaining topics. The frequent experience of acts of discrimination is perceived by migrants as unfair, remitting them to a minority migrant status (Branscombe et al. 1999a;1999b). This rejection process has an impact on social identity (an integral part of individual identity), with consequences on the psychological well-being, expressed through feelings of anger and disappointment (Vega & Rumbaut 1991). On the other hand, perception of rejection reinforces the search for support within the community of migrants of the same origin, where they can find an aggression and victimizationfree environment and protection, further hindering the contact with the host society (Noh et al. 1999).
Still within racism, we must address the impact of micro-aggressions. First, this question leads us to mentioning the general relationship between the Portuguese and migrants or ethnic minorities. European studies conducted by Vala et al. (1999;2008) placed Portugal as an exception, in regards to the demonstration of explicit negative attitudes towards migrants. This fact seems to be related to the past history of the decolonization movement. The authors consider that there is an ideology of BLuso-tropicalism^in the Portuguese people, as they believe to have an innate ability to relate to different cultures. For this reason, they tend to inhibit the display of negative attitudes towards migrants (including blatant or explicit expressions of racism) from the former Portuguese colonies. This historical relationship may lead, in part, to the manifestation of micro-aggressions experienced by migrants in this study, in the sense that the expression of racism is Bcamouflaged^(subtle racism) this way. As suggested by Pierce (1988), this form of offensive mechanisms contains, above all, a certain psychological violence with negative impact on migrants.
Despite the pronounced difficulties, the participants in this study identified resources used to deal with the adversity in the migration process. The cultural adjustment and well-being depends on the ability to navigate the resources of the wider social and cultural context, as well as the possibility of negotiating them individually and collectively (Ungar 2008).
Community associations, divided between religious institutions and nongovernmental organizations, seem to be an important resource for these migrants at two levels. In the first place, they provided financial or legal support, and allowed the decoding of bureaucratic procedures in the approach to the host society. These associations are mainly composed of people from the same origin, already established in this country. Community associations play an important role in maintaining and evolving migratory flows and cycles in Portugal (Bracalenti et al. 2004;Fonseca et al. 2005). In the second place, with regard to the religious or spiritual institutions (in the way they can enable the exercise of faith and beliefs) they ensure an element of continuity between origin and host countries, while maintaining a sense of coherence and cohesion (Connor 2012;Hagan & Ebaugh 2006). Even with different objectives and functions, both types of associations are of extreme importance to the formation of social networks, by decreasing the isolation (Bush et al. 2005) shown and felt by these migrants.
The role of family and friends was emphasized as significant resource. They allowed the decoding of how some dimensions of the host country are organized and operated (Barwick et al. 2002). At the same time, family and friends tend to repair the sense of cultural rootlessness, preventing more serious problems in mental health, such as depression and anxiety (Bhugra & Gupta 2010;Bhugra et al. 2011). Family networks of these migrants were broadened to include more distant members, with whom economic, social, and emotional hardships are shared (Creese et al. 1999).
The associations, as well as family and friends, are important vehicles for the enhancement of the cultural practices of origin. This resource provides a common environment with a sense of familiarity in everyday routines (Pires, 2003). Deep down, family and friends keep making use of their cultural and ethnic roots while at the same time adapting them to the new context (Walsh 2003). This support network can provide a safe environment, which will allow these migrants to make incursions in the interactions with the host society, protecting them from aggressions and difficulties (Wildschut et al. 2006).
Finally, we stress the possibility of returning to the host country. This issue relates in different ways with the migratory experience. On the one hand, this theme is interconnected with the initial reason of migration being focused on the purpose of improving the economic conditions. With this being the main purpose (almost exclusively) of residence in the host country, eventually, difficulties and the adverse environment become less visible, by focusing on this objective (Dustmann 1999). On the other hand, even for migrants less centered in improving their economic conditions, maintaining the possibility of returning appears to be important as an emergency plan (Cassarino 2004). In other words, if life in the host country becomes too hard or unsustainable, it will not be the end of life opportunities, as they can return to their country of origin. Possibly, this approach can make these migrants more tolerant and with increased resistance to an adverse environment, which they face on a daily basis.

Conclusion
This study contributed to understanding the resilience processes in regards to the cultural adjustment of migrants, from Portuguese-speaking countries in Portugal allowing the identification of adverse contexts and mobilized resources. Despite the cultural specificity of each country, it was important to identify what is common to these migrants in their migration processes.
The cultural adjustment can be thought as a process, in the way it relates to the adapting movement to a new and different culture. We know from these migrants that there was an adverse context on their arrival and permanence in Portugal. The adversities, over time, underlined the losses and impossibilities or difficulties in contacts and interactions with the Portuguese people. However, in the context of this adversity, we could understand also the possibility of migrants to navigate in the available resources and the capacity of negotiate for them, when seeking their wellbeing in an adjustment process (applying Ungar 2008, conceptualization of resilience). It seems that these resources were provided by persons or services belonging to the culture of origin in the host country and were intended to preserve the culture of origin. Simultaneously, these resources enable to smooth the impact of difficulties encountered by migrants in interactions with the host society and allow a progressive simplification and decoding of life in the new country. Therefore, this study contributed to move beyond the focus on deficit used in research on migration, stressing the importance of knowing the resources that help to overcome adversity (Seaton et al. 2010;Utsey et al. 2008).
Although this study allowed describing these processes in these migrants, one of its limitations is that, it do not specify how do these resources act in the context of adversity, including its effectiveness in cultural adjustment (although, as mentioned in the introduction, this was not the purpose of the study). Another limitation is the fact that we have sought an understanding of these processes, in what there is in common between this group of migrants from different countries. However, it will be undoubtedly important to conduct a meaningful analysis by groups of migrants, highlighting the cultural specificity of each group, according to their country of origin. A further limitation of this study concerns the definition of resilience, in that it refers to a dynamic and circumstantial process and, as such, to the idea that it can be transformed over time and with the individuals' internal and/or contextual changes implied. This study does not allow the understanding of the dynamic of interactions across time, i.e., in a longitudinal approach. The temporal dimension is necessarily a significant aspect of the migration processes, since its influence and its impact have been studied, particularly in the cultural adjustment to the host country.
Understanding and knowing the resources within the resilience process cannot have, as practical implications or consequences, the dismissal of social stakeholders and policy makers, at the level of migration politic. The central question remains, to the extent that there is an adverse context associated with migratory processes (Seccombe 2002) with many migrants that, although they navigate and negotiate some resources, these are clearly insufficient, leading to fragility and social exclusion situations (Arbaci & Malheiros 2010). As Gillian declares, Bwhile resilience may previously have been seen as residing in the person as a fixed trait, it is now more usefully considered as a variable quality that derives from a process of repeated interactions between a person and favourable resources of the surrounding context in a person's life. The degree of resilience displayed by a person in a certain context may be said to be related to the extent to which that context has elements that nurture this resilience^ (Gilligan 2004, p.94). Thus, the intervention from the perspective of resilience cannot focus only on individual factors but on the structural weaknesses in society, in order to make people in adverse situations stronger, more competent, and more functional.
The intervention perspective of resilience should be based on an ecological approach, focusing on various contexts mentioned herein, through the major highlighted themes, requiring the ability to intervene in the administrative and political bodies, in the familiar context and in individual counselling or psychotherapy. This intervention is intended to assist migrants in navigating and negotiating for resources that enable the adjustment and cultural well-being, solving tensions arising from the adverse environment. The approach of the counselling or psychotherapy process may encompass addressing the process of creating mourning for the real and symbolic losses of migrants in the context of their migration process. This study was funded by Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (doctoral Grant SFRH/BD/60693/2009)